TIGHT-ROPE WALKING

Ακροβασία, renderable in English as “tight-rope walking,” literally signifies walking on tiptoes. In his recently released poetry collection of same name, poet Dimitris Troaditis takes the reader upon a journey through a world poised precariously upon a knife-edge, one in which one steps through unguided, at their peril.

 

Undoubtedly, the world of the text is a dystopian one, a world in crisis. We “discover the world through graves” (Tight-rope walking), this being a cosmos where: “troubles, pains, generous receptions, constitute incidents in our lives,” (The Uprooting), and where “murder [is] completed when the red of the sky become mauve and then black.” (As Blood),  imagery reminiscent of a bloody and bruised Stendhalian charnel house. Poised upon the ends of our toes, we walk “with chains….naked before slaughters/ at the dance of lies,” (Cohabitation).

 

The poet’s blasted landscape of “polluted atmospheres,” (Faith), where “counterfeit unforeseen” dominate “rhythms and symbols” (As Blood), appears to be inimical to life itself. It is for this reason that the first poem of the collection “Tight-rope Walking” commences as a perilous journey and ends up as a manifesto: “Whoever doesn’t adhere to this poetry/ is buried alive/ by regimes of calamity/ in white posthumous circles/ with stones erected in the soul/ giving up the spirit in an unequal battle.”

 

Here then, in the “poetry of our bodies,” the interrelation of human beings, as defined by the poet, lies salvation. As a prophet of the chthonic and the urban, his are words of grit and gravel. Truths here are not to be discovered, but rather, to be constructed: “I want to construct a truth in my heart,” he proclaims in “As Blood”, “one I’ve been seeking for years now, in moments when I resignedly accompany my embrace.” There is no pacifism here. Even embraces are given and guided, rather than merely received,

 

Should we be deemed worthy to be initiated into the poet’s mysteries, he will “engrave [his] secrets on ..our body and all those revealed to [him] by the sun [he] will stamp, and all those revealed to [him] by the birds [he] will draw,” (My Secrets). The inference is that the poet’s insights are nothing miraculous. There are no novel revelations or original patterns of thought. Instead, his mysteries lie in the correct re-articulation of the cosmos, in all its proper constituent parts. Once this is achieved, a glimpse of a Lennonesque paradise is offered, where there is: “no more grief in the valley of thought/ no more souls in the feeble frost on sunrise.”

 

The main body of the poems were written prior to the poet’s arrival in Australia from Greece in 1992. Having borne witness to seminal political changes in Greece, the early poems are strident, self-assured and replete with revolutionary fervour. The poet’s confidence, seems to ebb away by the times we arrive at the poem “The Uprooting.” Here, any sense of a linear progression is arrested and in its place, a multitude of unanswerable questions are posed. Our perseverance may be imperishable, to paraphrase the poem, but what exactly is the product of such an endeavour? The former fervour of the early part of the poetic narrative, viewed in this disillusioned light, almost assumes the form of a cautionary fable. It is the “flame of a fancy which is extinguished after each awakening.”

 

Thus, in the next poem, “Terra Australis,” the poet, having left one reality for another, can only rail at is artificiality and especially that of those like him, who are caught between two ersatz cultures, the ontopathological issues of both not having been resolved, in a lament that is almost a fear at the failure of poetry itself: “So what is left of their own?/ A pruned apathetic language/ a fragmentary movement in infinity/ which also tends towards extinction?”

 

Where words defy or betray us, the old revolutionary, forged in the fires of of the Heimat’s political upheavals will, Mayakovsky-like, “break” the false reality on the “anvil of assimilation.” “And who is the one that will revolt, setting fire to the fast food of culture?” he asks. The problem is, we are also no longer certain that the poet considers himself to the the man for the job. Everything seems to new, too raw, too disconcertingly familiar, and the secret crypt that absorbs his kin, too painful and labyrinthine to traverse.

 

Nonetheless, the prophet, as a victim of the derailment of his own spatial and ideological journey, realises that there is no going back. Reality must be reconciled in the land in which he lives, not in an ambiguous state between the old and the new, for despite any official rhetoric about pluralism, in “On the Community” he observes that: “The flashes of our star/ are not dually voiced.” In such a condition, recourse to tried and tested customs or insights from the old culture are not only cacophonous (“the untuned instruments. Of paleontological orchestras”), but positively fatal as well: “The return to holy landscapes…like being hung from a belfry/ as a harbinger of doom.”

 

By the time we get to the final poem of the narrative, “Wandering,” what we are treated to is a recapitulation of where we have come thus far with the poet. His trials have taken their toll: “Something [has] broke[n] on the payment of our inner existence…/ it cut us in two:/ a slivered moon and a pale truth.” While the annihilation of the self is usually a condition precedent in many creeds for enlightenment, in this dualistic, shattered, sundered form, is the poet no longer able to guide us?

 

Or does he perceiving that we no longer need him, as he can no longer offer us any meaningful sense of direction? “What truth can we hide/ and which ship shall be board/… when the tremors of this night/ do not allow us to experience/ the joy of life’s overflowing glass?” Either the poet is admitting defeat or ultimately shifting responsibility for social renovation and the hope of a rosy dawn upon the reader. From our journey together, what we do know is that any further voyage in this direction will be anything but painless, for we called upon, albeit grudgingly to defer pleasure, for the greater good.

           

Citing Yiannis Ritsos and Tasos Leivaditis as his great influences, the poet’s own style is unique, bearing no relation to either. His words drench the page with the force of a torrent. Expresses, images swirl and eddy around each other, often incongruously, threatening to sweep away the reader upon their contrapuntal tides. In so doing, the poet is artfully conveying to us, the bewildering force of modern urban life itself, at assails us with all its “rains and hurricanes”  (My secrets), its contradictions, its injustices and iniquities. Indeed, he comes to personify that which he wishes to reform.

 

The poems that comprise this singular narrative, which are presented in the original Greek and in an English form rendered by me, a unique privilege, ultimately accept that the existential problems they seek to address cannot be solved by one person alone, nor should one expect a solution to emanate from any self-appointed guru. Instead, the poet, in keeping with his social philosophy, fully admits that it is only through the communal struggle of his readers that the requisite capacity can be achieved. In producing poetry of such force, refreshing candour and immense sensitivity, the poet’s approach to the fundamental questions of modern society are truly unique within Greek-Australian poetry.

 

DEAN KALIMNIOU

kalymnios@hotmail.com

 

First published in NKEE on Saturday 14 April 2018

PAN-MAC PROBED

Interview by Dean Kalimniou with Chris Moutzikis, Chairperson of the Pan-Macedonian Association of Melbourne and Victoria.

Recently, the speaker of the Greek Parliament stated that among other organisations, Pan-Mac signed a letter addressed to the Greek government in which its members were threatened with death. How do you respond to that claim?

I think that the claim is a deliberate exaggeration. The letter urges the government not to compromise on the Naming Dispute. I accept it further states that the penalty for treason is death. We are not threatening to kill anyone. We are merely pointing out what the legal penalty is for a possible act, like saying: “Don’t park here, or you’ll get a fine.”

But the Death Penalty was abolished for High Treason in Greece in 2005. So how else is this letter to be interpreted? Did Pan-Mac obtain legal advice as to the applicable legal remedies before drafting the letter? Does this letter, which is factually incorrect, not damage Pan-Mac’s credibility vis a vis the Greek government?

We did not draft this letter. It was drafted by our sister organisation in America and it was signed by all affiliated Pan-Mac Associations world-wide. We signed to express solidarity with the world body, focusing mainly on our fervent desire that there be no compromise on the Naming Dispute. We were not aware of the legal issues, but I believe focusing on this small point takes attention away from fact that we are on the precipice of a “solution” to this issue that will be disastrous for Greece. This is what the Greek government should be concerned with. It needs to justify its actions to the Greek people.

Pan-Mac’s stance on the Naming Dispute is well known. Basically, you are against Greece recognising FYROM by any name that includes the word “Macedonia.” In the letter Pan-Mac signed, it is stated that such a compromise is tantamount to treason. What is treason in your opinion?

Treason is where someone deliberately acts against the interests of their country, knowing that this is harmful for their country. We believe that recognising FYROM as Macedonia or any cognate of that term is harmful for Greece as it impugns the historical, cultural and ethnic character of that region, which is vital for Greece. We believe that the government of Greece knows that to be the case.

Pan-Mac is a Melbourne-based organisation, albeit with an affiliation to a world-wide body, which in reality, refers to America and a few other diasporan communities. It represents people who are domiciled in Australia. Why should the Greek government listen to you, on this issue?

If this was an issue of domestic importance, I would agree that we would have limited standing to express an opinion. However, this is an issue that transcends the borders of the state of Greece. It goes to the core of being Greek, affecting the identity of every single person identifying as Greek throughout the world. Any decision made by the Greek government does not only affect Greek citizens, but all of us. Given this is the case, I believe that Pan-Mac has every right to express an opinion and encourage the Greek government to adopt it. It is an opinion that we believe, is held by the majority of Greeks world-wide.

Pan-Mac is just one of many Greek organisations in Victoria. Why should the combined Greek community listen to you? Why should we be bound by the pronouncements or policies of Pan-Mac on the Naming Dispute?

Ever since the nineties, Pan-Mac has been at the forefront of this campaign. We have organised several mass community rallies, and never ceased our activism for the truth, even when this was not convenient or politically expedient. In the process, we have earned the trust and respect of the community. The outpouring of support we receive on a daily basis, especially lately from younger members of the community validates our standing. Furthermore, there is a convention among community organisations here in Melbourne, that we are the organisation that is best placed to formulate community policy on this issue, just as we respect the Cypriot community’s right to articulate a policy on the Cyprus issue. Pan-Mac, along with other community organisations, is an active member of the Australian Hellenic Council, which is the mouthpiece of the Greek community to Canberra on issues concerning our community. It has adopted our position on this issue.

And your policy is correct, whereas that of the Greek government, according to Pan-Mac, borders on the treasonous. Why are you right and why is the Greek government so wrong? Why is Pan-Mac so vociferously against compromise?

The word Macedonia is inextricably linked to the Greek identity. The government of FYROM, has over the years attempted to appropriate our historical heritage. It has also made irredentist claims against Greek territory. We believe that any use of a compound name that includes the word “Macedonia” merely reinforces their spurious claims. Because the name is already used by those ignorant of the history and context, we believe that for brevity, any prefix arising out of a compromise solution will be dropped and the word “Macedonia” will used, something that is unacceptable. This country must have a name that reflects its own heritage, not ours.

Given the above, why do you think that the Greek government is entertaining a solution that involves the use of the term?

Quite frankly, this is one of the most disquieting things about the issue. The Greek government has not told the people why all of a sudden it has become urgent to solve an issue that has been smouldering away for decades, nor has it explained why it believes it is necessary to compromise by using a compound name when it is clear the majority of the people would be against it. We don’t know what the Greek government thinks it will gain out of such a compromise because they simply are not telling us. We don’t know what pressure is being applied and by whom, or why and this makes us fear that Greek government is being compelled, for whatever reason, to act against the country’s own interests. We cannot sit idly by and let that happen, without voicing our opposition to such a path. It might be politically expedient for the present government, but it is disastrous in the long term of Hellenism.

Is this why you organised the rally as a means of expressing that opposition?

We organised the rally to express solidarity with the hundreds of thousands of Greeks in Greece who also held rallies. That is why we felt that it was important to use the same format for protest as that used in Greece. We wanted to be part of a chain of protest all around the world, sending a strong, unwavering message to the Greek government that we are against their policy on this issue, but also, that we are one, we are united.

There are those who state that you only organised the rally because you felt threatened by the rally organised prior to yours by hitherto unknown members of the community. Specifically, that in the light of that rally, that Pan-Mac would look weak and ineffective if it did nothing, given that others had already seized the initiative before it.

I don’t accept that view. At the time, we were doing what we always do: deliberating with members of the community, obtaining a consensus for further action and also liaising with the world-wide Pan-Mac body, so that our actions had the requisite community support and were co-ordinated. In our experience, which is extensive, we feel it is important to gauge events and consider the outcomes of possible courses of action before committing to them.

And do you think you were successful? The number of people attending was, by all accounts, far lower than what was expected, especially compared to past rallies. Does this indicate a community crisis of confidence in Pan-Mac’s leadership on the issue?

As part of a co-ordinated network of worldwide protest it was very effective. It concerned the Greek government enough for it to attempt to downplay the world-wide movement and grossly under-represent the numbers of those protesting in Greece. Furthermore, I believe any comparison between the previous rallies and this one, numbers wise, is unhelpful. There are many reasons why people chose not to attend the rally, and they do not reflect in anyway upon Pan-Mac and its reputation, which if anything has become enhanced over the past few months. The fact that the Premier of Victoria recently, on more than one occasion, stated that: “Macedonian is as Greek as the Parthenon,” a statement which was first made by his representative at the rally, can be attributed to the climate of understanding of the Hellenic character, engendered by Pan-Mac’s activism.

So why did people stay away?

Well, times have changed since the nineties. People have less spare time and more weekend commitments. Some expressed concerns about possible violence from members of the FYROM-Australian community, a fear that was not unjustified considering the appalling way in which some of their members conducted themselves during their own rally. Others found the venue difficult to get to. Also, we need to understand that these days, rallies are not the only means of protest and comprise only one of many facets of our campaign. Compared with the nineties, social media also provides an important forum for activism. There were two significant things about the rally that have gone unnoticed and need to be pointed out. The first is that the youth predominated, a most reassuring sign of the vitality of our campaign. Secondly, that there were members of the Armenian, Assyrian, Chinese, Indian, Russian and Serbian community present to express their solidarity, showing that our outreach is truly a multicultural one. Unity is vital.

On the subject of unity, people in our community lately have commented on an increasingly intolerant attitude displayed by the Pan-Mac executive and members towards those who express different views on how the Naming Dispute should be solved. They state that there is a dualistic, us and them, with us or against us, patriots or traitors stance towards “dissenters” emanating from leading personalities within Pan-Mac. Are those who believe in compromise traitors?

I’m aware of this allegation and I believe it is disingenuous. We encourage debate and discussion because a free and frank exchange of ideas is important. At the same time however, we will not shy away from holding to our deeply-held to our convictions and articulating our point of view. In the lead up to the recent rally, Pan-Mac convened public meetings where a number of diverse views were expressed by attendees. Some of those views were diametrically opposed to our own. Nonetheless, we respect those persons’ right to an opinion and facilitated them being heard. Some of our members feel passionately about this issue and express themselves in a passionate manner. That is no way implies that others do not have the right to put forward a view. However, we also have a right to critique their views, if we think they are incorrect, or not in the national interest. Democracy and debate work both ways.

One of those persons who have articulated a position on the Naming Dispute that differs from that of Pan-Mac is Professor Tamis, of the Australian Institute of Macedonian Studies. What is Pan-Mac’s relationship with Professor Tamis? Has it been damaged as a result of the difference in opinion?

We respect Professor Tamis for the brilliant work he has undertaken over many years in studying and promoting scholarship on Macedonian Hellenism. His research on the history of Macedonians in Australia is extremely valuable and will prove to be of enduring importance to the broader Australian historical narrative. We look forward to the development of his further endeavours in the field of historical research. As for his views on the Naming Dispute, I reiterate that Pan-Mac believes that everyone has a right to their own opinion.

The Australian Institute of Macedonian Studies has recently announced that it is seeking legal recourse against those persons/entities responsible for the atrocious acts of racial hatred committed against Greek-Australians, by some of the attendees at the FYROM-Australian rally, held a week after your own. Is this not something that Pan-Mac should be doing, or at least supporting?

I agree with you that some of the incidents of racial vilification and intolerance at the FYROM rally were unprecedented and deeply disturbing. Our rally was peaceful and we made sure that it was focused on the Naming Dispute, not against the FYROM-Australian community. There were no racial slurs, or pejorative sentiments expressed against that community. In contrast, with them, we witnessed the burning of the Greek flag, racist placards against the descendants of victims of the Pontian Genocide, derogatory slogans about the Greeks’ ancestry and even attacks on a Greek store owner. I am astonished that those responsible are so immature and given to hatred that they are willing to disturb the harmony of our multicultural and tolerant city and even make the streets of Melbourne unsafe, in order to pursue their goal. As a result, we have responded favourably to a proposal of mediation by the Victorian Multicultural Commission, in order to ensure that such terrible acts are never again repeated. We are currently engaging with this process, affirming our commitment to a peaceful and tolerant city.

There are many families in Melbourne that because they have either intermarried into both communities or come from regions where their ethnic identity is in flux, are experiencing significant emotional upheaval at the moment, as a result of the Naming Dispute. What guidance if any, has been provided by Pan-Mac to such persons, during this time?

You are right, this latest phase of the dispute has caused a lot of tension and has harmed interpersonal relationships and friendships. I’m aware of situations where family and friends have stopped speaking to each other because of this issue. I find that deplorable. To those who have come to us for guidance, and I need to stress that this includes both people that identify as Greek, and as FYROMian, we have urged them to put the dispute to one side and engage with one another, to relate to each other as human beings. We need to focus on the things that unite us. There are many. We share similar customs and traditions, our music is similar, we share the same religion and our histories are intertwined. This does not mean we cannot share our views on the dispute but if we do, it should be in a respectful and appropriate way.

Recently, the leadership of Pan-Mac has changed. You have been appointed chairperson. What are your aspirations for Pan-Mac moving forward?

Structural reform is necessary if Pan-Mac is going to effectively meet the challenges of the future and remain relevant to emerging generations. Currently, Pan-Mac’s structure does not address the fact that the vast majority of the Greek people, including those coming from Macedonia, no longer feel represented by small, regional brotherhoods. This needs attention, especially since we receive a vast amount of support from youth who are not represented or do not participate in the groups that traditionally constitute our Association. I would like Pan-Mac to be able to better utilise the tremendous groundswell of support it enjoys by people of all walks of life, making more of our extensive contacts within the academic world and especially in local, state and federal government. Greater attention needs to be paid to social media and modern forms of communication. New and novel ways to get our message across are already being trialled. We can always enhance our engagement with the broader mainstream community while also maintaining our close ties with our own community. The recent addition of the Thessaloniki Association as a constituent member of Pan-Mac both underlies the enduring relevance of our Association and acts as blueprint for the future.

Let’s assume that tomorrow, the Naming Dispute is solved. I want to moot two scenarios with you. Firstly, the Greek Government compromises and accepts a composite name. Here in Australia, the government has stated that it will accept any outcome agreed to by Greece.. What will Pan-Mac do? Will it ask the Australian government to go back on that commitment, which has been the focus of the Greek community’s lobbying up until now? Is there a contingency plan? Have feelers been made out to the relevant politicians in this regard?

There is constant communication with stakeholders, on all levels. We do not resile from our position and are prepared to campaign with greater vigour against any unfair outcome, should this prove necessary. We are already circulating a petition to the Australian government that we encourage everyone to sign.

I understand that petition is in response to a FYROM-Australian petition calling upon the Australian government to recognise FYROM as Macedonia. Why is it necessary if the government’s stance already precludes recognition of a name not acceptable to Greece? Isn’t that just duplication of the work already achieved by the Australian Hellenic Council and other community groups? And what if the response is disappointing? How will that reflect upon Pan-mac’s grasp of strategy and credibility?

Times and policies can change easily in response to pressure and expediency. We want to ensure this does not happen. To date, we are satisfied with the response and encourage all Greeks to sign the petition.

Let us assume that by some stroke of good fortune, the Naming Dispute is solved by means of FYROM accepting a name that does not include the term “Macedonia.” Does that make Pan-Mac redundant? Where to from there?

That outcome would be great. Redundant? Not at all. Our aim is to promote Macedonian Hellenism and make it relevant to the country in which we live. A solution to the Naming Dispute would enhance our ability to seek new and novel ways to make lasting contributions to the multicultural fabric of our society, as Macedonian Australians. What is inspiring is the interest we receive from younger, hitherto disengaged members of our community. Many tell us that it was through Pan-Mac’s work that they discovered the relevance of Hellenism to them. Periodically, we even have members of the FYROM-Australian community contact us because they are questioning the veracity of what they have been told by their community, through their reading of reputable historical research. We want to build on that.

Finally, I’d venture to say that apart from the pressing urgent domestic issues of poverty, economic crisis and institutional decay that plague Greece, there are other “national” issues of immediate importance to Greeks, such as the Cyprus issue, given that part of the island is occupied by a foreign army, or the crisis in the Aegean. In Northern Epirus, we have a large native Greek population living within Albania, that does not always have its human rights respected. In the case of Macedonia, we have none of these immediate problems. And yet Greek concern on these issues, save for those who come from these regions, is minimal. What is it about Macedonia that has been able to fuel the passions of the Greek people to such a great extent?

Possibly it is because Macedonia represents one of the greatest and most important period in Greek history. I’m not just referring to Alexander the Great and the enduring awe in which he is held by the Greek people. Rather, it is because it was only through Macedonia that the concept of Greek unity was achieved and it was only through Macedonia that Greek civilisation was able to engage as an equal with those around it and spread, creating the prototype for globalisation. It is this blueprint for a world-wide Hellenism, a Hellenism that transcends borders that is a relevant paradigm for us as a diasporan community. I think that this vision, realised by the Macedonians has been espoused by all of us and that is why Macedonia is at the core of our Greek identity. It is also why we react so strongly when it is threatened. That being said, you are right in stating that the other issues you mentioned are also important and we support and enjoy excellent relations with the Cypriot Community and the Panepirotic Federation.

 DEAN KALIMNIOU

kalymnios@hotmail.com

First published in NKEE on 7 April 2018

REVOLUTION UNHINGED

Towards the end of his life, the great scholar of what is referred to as the Greek Enlightenment, Adamantios Korais wrote: “The increase and spread of education in the French nation gave birth to the love of liberty.” In his mind, in order for the physical Greek Revolution to transpire, another, more spiritual one would have to precede it. 

 To this effect, Korais maintained that the entire nation would have to be educated, as a condition precedent to any such a revolution taking place. Greek education would have to be aligned with that of enlightened Europe, in order for a newly emerged Greece to take its proper place among modern nations, via a process which he called metakenosis, or outpouring of one into the other.

 Such a process required, in Korais’ view, a return to fundamentals, that is, the writings of the ancient Greeks and it was for this reason that he produced edited editions of ancient writings he considered suitable for study. Such a revolution would not only grant the renascent Greeks access to the wisdom of their forefathers, but also allow them to regain their virtues as well. Having immersed themselves in the lore of their illustrious ancestors, Korais was confident that they would then, by means of immersion, acquire their military skills as well, or at least such martial valour as was necessary to defeat the Persians in the fifth centur and which would accordingly suffice, to defeat the Ottomans. According to Korais, these martial virtues were lost when the Romans conquered Greece, though mysteriously, he was unable to advance a theory as to how study of the ancient texts could guard against others overcoming the military valour of the Greeks gleaned from such hallowed texts, which probably explains why the German Occupation took place.

 Considering the parlous state of Greek education in the period immediately prior to the Greek Revolution of 1821, it would come as no surprise to learn that Korais always felt that the Greek people were not ready for revolution. In 1807, he argued: “Our people need at least fifty years of education.” In 1821, some months after the Greek revolution had been proclaimed, he mused: “the event has come too soon for our interest. If it had come twenty years later..” Assessing from his home in Paris how the product of the Revolution, the Modern Greek State had developed, Korais lamented in 1831: “the Greek rising was fully justified, but inopportune; the right time would have been 1850.”
The lack of the civilising effects of education upon the Greeks blighted and ultimately damned the Greek Revolution and the State it brought about, in Korais’ eyes. It is easy to understand why. Instead of the enlightened, modern, progressive nation that formed the subject of Korais’ aspirations, the Greek State was fragmented, convulsed by internecine strife that saw some of the greatest proponents of its independence imprisoned or murdered and completely dysfunctional. It was corrupted at its core by self-interested power brokers who did not shy away from provoking a civil war in order to further their grip on power, causing much suffering to an already war-shattered populace and was also manipulated by imperialist powers, to the extent where it was questionable as to whether Greece was truly either “free” or “independent,” as its rulers maintained. As Korais wrote: “That the revolution occurred before time was proved by the recklessness of the leaders of the revolution and by the continuing very foolish conduct of many politician within Greece, conduct that caused the flowing of a great deal of innocent blood.” 

Had the Greeks been cautious, had they been patient instead if impulsive and intemperate, had they undergone the requisite amount of spiritual preparation with dedication and a sense of purpose, then they would have been truly free, and not the colonial plaything of a quadrumvirate of word powers: “If the race had rulers adorned with education, as it certainly would have had if the Revolution had occurred thirty years later, then foreigners would have been inspired with such respect that the wrongs suffered from the anti-Christian Holy Alliance (ie the European powers) would have been avoided.”  

Almost two hundred years after the Great Revolution of 1821, with the image of the heavily moustachioed, amply foustanella’d klepht wielding a ponderous sword emblazoned deeply upon our consciousness as the ultimate harbinger of freedom, it is difficult to conceive of Korais’ preferred alternative revolutionary, a cravat wearing, quill brandishing intellectual, mincing down the mountainside in his spectacles, there to engage the enemy in endless philosophical disputation and textual criticism, until they are finally worn out and depart the land they have appropriated, in frustration. Viewed from this perspective, Korais’ vision is, though grand, ultimately, a utopian one.
Nonetheless, it is a utopia that has inextricably found its way within the narrative of the Greek Revolution, even as power brokers masquerading as freedom-fighters became self-interested politicians, even as those politicians set about running the State that was created in the aftermath of so much spilled blood, for their own benefit and that of their imperial overlords and continue to do so today. Though we extoll and exalt our freedom-fighting captains, though we liken them to the classical warriors that sent the Persians packing, somewhere in the back of our minds, Korais’ exhortation, to educated ourselves, cultivate ourselves and ultimately uplift ourselves, plays on our sub-conscious.

 Korais' call for enlightenment is deeply entrenched within us. It is the continuation of Saint Kosmas the Aetolian’s injunction that it is better to build schools than churches, and accords with visionary Rigas Pheraios’ celebration of reason. It is in fact, the culmination of the entire thrust of the Greek enlightenment, a johnny-cum-lately intellectual movement that was a complete derivative of the west, interpreting the corpus of our ancient legacy through alien, western eyes, but regardless, convinced that the complete espousal of European civilisation was the only pathway by which Greece could extricate itself, mentally, and then physically, from the morass in which it found itself. 

 We have never been able to live up to Korais’ lofty ideals. Surely, our diasporan community has internalised them, for he too was one of us, a Greek living outside Greece, who never saw his homeland again. The first generation of Greek migrant’s irrepressible imperative to educate their children, their drive to build schools and other cultural institutions, even their need to express themselves through poetry and literature and their equation of education with freedom, all comes directly from Korais. Though the Revolution has been gone, there is unfinished business to attend to, for we have not yet attained the goals which Korais has set out for us and which we have espoused. There is an unarticulated sense that as a people, we are not where we want, or set out to be. 

 The Revolution, as the cause of a deeply seated feeling of inadequacy harboured by many, if not most Greeks, is a concept, despite the rhetoric, the speeches, the marches and the flag waving we all rejoice in, tacitly accepted, but rarely spoken of. Yet when Greeks both within and without the State that it engendered, view it, blundering periodically from morass to morass, regardless of their level of pecuniary interest or venality within its paradigm, Korais begins to whisper in their ear: We can do better. We owe it to our ancestors to create the structures that will allow the Greek people to realise their full potential. We owe it to each other to bring out the best in one and other and we do this not through the ossification of culture and tradition, the purveying of prejudice, or the stifling of human endeavour, but rather, through celebrating knowledge, championing innovation and actively engaging with the broader global community.

“The education of a nation is the safest indication of its regeneration and of its political freedom,” wrote Korais. Articulating a particularly Greek approach to our past and to the corpus of global culture as means for the evolution of the modern Greece into a truly independent, self-sufficient State, able to make unique contributions to the world is an objective that lingers still and which has not yet been fulfilled. In many ways, the Revolution for us has somehow, become unhinged, or more likely, has not yet even begun.

 

DEAN KALIMNIOU

kalymnios@hotmail.com

 

First published in NKEE on Saturday 31 March 2018

 

 

MISSING THE BUS

Eaton Mall does not exist. It has never existed. Instead, if GPY& R advertising agency, on behalf of Public Transport Victoria are to be believed, the space occupied by one of the most vibrant and important centres of Hellenism in Melbourne, is in fact a Greek island.

The scene unfolds like a promotional map of the Mall: the perspective is from the South end of the Mall, facing North. In the foreground, on the right, the more perceptive viewer may discern the old bank which is now a Chemist Warehouse. The metal frame tree guides and the central light diffuser hint pay homage to the Mall, juxtaposing it against the beautifully rendered bus passing the Chester Street crossing. Meanwhile, just before that crossing, a sign bearing the legend: “Glyka” hints at the possibility that sweets are sold along this street. Save for a few passersby, the idyllic streetscape is sterile and devoid of life. The pavement and the buildings are whitewashed, as is, one could argue, the presence of the Greek-Australian community. We are not in Eaton Mall, but rather in Mykonos.

The caption to Public Transport Victoria’s latest campaign reads “Discover a Bit of Hellas in Oakleigh.” This is marginally more neutral than its Footscray poster, which reads “A taste of the east in the west.” It is also in keeping with Eaton Mall marketing itself as “Little Athens,” provoking hoots of derision from newly arrived Greek migrants, who prefer to equate it with a square in a provincial Greek town, not Athens per se but still, a little bit of Hellas. The advertisement, exists in the context of seeking to exoticise areas of ethnic settlement in Melbourne, in order to promote transport use by equating it with a holiday. In doing so however, the commissioners of such a campaign have in fact, inadvertedly indulged in gross orientalisation and alienation of the ethnic communities they have targeted, including the Greek-Australian community.

By its very nature, to exoticise something, is to place it outside the norm. By exoticising Eaton Mall, the advertisement suggests to the mainstream Australian therefore, that Eaton Mall is not an organic part of the Melbournian landscape. It has no legitimate place within the local geography. It cannot be rendered in terms of at least seventy years of Greek settlement in the broader area. Instead, evidently, the advertisers believe that in order to be palatable to the dominant cultural market, Eaton Mall must be depicted as, or reduced to a stereotype, a laid back, sleepy, soulless place, the epitome of a western understanding of a Helladic tourist paradise. For the evocation of such a stereotype to be effective, Greek-Australians may not be afforded any role within it. That this type of activity, one which effaces an entire community, and in the case of the Footscray advertisement, effectively reduces a diverse population to “a bunch of food oriented occidental orientals,” can be indulged in four decades after the advent of multiculturalism as official Australian policy, is deeply disquieting.

Eaton Mall is not Mykonos. It is not even Greece. Instead, it is a lively hive of activity, frequented not just by people of Greek descent, but of diverse ethnic backgrounds. Had the advertisers or Public Transport Victoria bothered to contact or seek to liaise with the traders of Eaton Mall, for some of these were incensed at the lack of communication, they would have learned that the mall id far from the monocultural, ethnic ghetto that is implicit in the poster.Vanilla Lounge, for example, has a diversity policy, by which it employs people of different ethnic backgrounds and even sponsors their visa applications. Had they spent time in the Mall, they would have noticed the significant numbers of Middle Eastern patrons, coming to savour a social experience reminiscent of that which is common in their places of origin. Had they the perspicacity, they would have discerned among the crowd, Anglo-Australians, eager to explore, discover and enjoy a culinary and social tradition that embraces all and excludes no one. Most significantly, had they the sensitivity to do so, they would have witnessed a community that is neither Mykonian, nor Zorban, neither Athenian, nor Spartan, but unselfconsciously Greek-Australian. From the lovers who met and courted each other within the confines of the mall, to the tired and frustrated mother dragging her squalling children across the pavement, all the while managing not to spill a drop of her precious take-away frappe, to the nubile girl who has meticulously brushed every eyebrow lash separately and bronzed out the last remnant of cellulite from view, in order to look stunning and obtain the complements of her friends, to the cranky grandmother, yanking her grown son in a business-suit by the ear, to the svelte newly arrived Greek waiter who magically can appear in more than five places simultaneously in order to take one’s order, to the self-satisfied businessman with the protruding belly and the bejeweled corpulent fingers brandishing an unlit cigar, to the old man, sporting five days growth, smoking the seventeenth cigarette in the row, to the entire population, which is able to play people tennis in unison, turning their heads synchronously as pedestrians promenade down the Mall, in order to give “the glance,” the one from which one can discern the pedestrian’s entire life history, Eaton Mall and its patrons have no relevance to Greece. It is an Australian phenomenon and deserves to be portrayed us such in its own right, not expunged from the discourse.

In their seminal work: "From Foreigner to Citizen: Greek Migrants and Social Change in White Australia 1897-2000," Toula Nicolacopoulos and George Vassilacopoulos point out that one of the ways that the dominant culture secures and reinforces its position as legitimate owner of this country is by abrogating to itself, the right to determine the discourse of multiculturalism, defining the manner in which the ethnic communities it permits to reside alongside it, shall be portrayed, or shall articulate their own identity. As potentially subversive “eternal foreigners,” ethnic communities, no matter how long they have existed on Australian shores, must be placed on the margins, orientalised and presented, not as an integral part of modern Australian social reality, but rather, as the other, or effaced altogether. According to this paradigm, the reality of Eaton Mall and its people cannot exist. Instead, in Orwellian fashion, it must be replaced by something that does not challenge the hegemony of the dominant culture. This is certainly achieved by portraying the denizens of the Mall, not as Australians, but rather, as people who not only come from somewhere else, but actually, still live there.

The fact that members of our community not only accepted the advertisement but were flattered by it, suggests that we are still suffering from a derivative cultural cringe that does not let us assert our unique identity as Greeks in Australia and instead, makes us feel compelled to seek recourse to stereotypes in order to define ourselves and articulate our ethnic identity, or to employ these and accept these in order to gain the approval of the dominant culture. To these people, the insulted Greek-Australian traders of Eaton Mall ask: Why can we not demand that Eaton Mall be celebrated for what it is, a gritty, aspirational, thriving expression of a community that is inextricably interwoven within the fabric of modern Melbourne.

On the penultimate occasion I visited the Mall, a woman walking in front of me, remarked expansively to her companions, who appeared to be visiting from Greece: "And here are the Exarcheia of Melbourne." Now try depicting that on a Public Transport Victoria poster. Just make sure faithfully to capture the moment where the Molotov cocktail impacts with the bus, and bursts into flames…. Public Transport Victoria, we've got the hots for you.

DEAN KALIMNIOU

kalymnios@hotmail.com

First published in NKEE on Saturday 24 March 2018

SPEAKING ENGLISH IN THE IDES OF MARCH

On the morning of the Sunday of the Lonsdale Street Greek Festival, I was ensconced in the Epirus tent, clad in full Vlach regalia. As pedestrians were rather light on the ground, I decided to amuse myself by playing jazzicised versions of Epirot folksongs on the violin. Five bars into: «Δεν μπορώ μανούλα’,μ», a heavily accented voice asked:
"Χαλό, γιου Κών;» It was an elderly gentleman, clad in a suit and wearing an Athens 2004 Olympics cap.
«Ναι,» Ι responded in Greek.
«Γιου δε γουάν σπίκ ον δε ράντιο;» the old man persisted in broken English. He spoke slowly, haltingly, the words stumbling across his tongue and escaping his mouth with perceptible difficulty.
«Ναι, παρουσιάζω το Ηπειρώτικο πρόγραμμα,» I informed him, again in Greek.
«Άι λίσεν έβερυ γουίκ. Γιου βέρυ γκουντ. Άι λάικ βέρυ ματς,» the old man persisted.
«Μιλάτε ελληνικά;» I asked.
«Οφ κόρς ρε. Γιου στιούπιντ;» the elderly gentleman inquired incredulously. Slowly, sonorously, over the course of the next minute, he intoned: «Χάου άι λίσεν του γιου μπλάρρυ ράντιο ιφ άι νο σπικ Γρήκ ρε;» «Δεν θα ήταν πιο εύκολο για όλους μας αν μιλούσατε στα ελληνικά;» I asked him, with a view to facilitating a speedier and somewhat more comfortable discourse.
It was at that point that for some inscrutable reason, the old man lost his temper.
«Ά γκε φάκ!» he exclaimed and walked off. I picked up my violin and shaken, played Waltzing Matilda in a minor key, as a tsifteteli, instead.
Sometime later, my daughter joined me in the tent. An elderly woman passed by the tent and noticed her.«Κόρη σου είναι;» she asked me.
«Ναι.»
«Να τη χαίρεστε.»«Να’στε καλά.»
Turning to my daughter she asked: «Χάβαγιου ντάλι μου;»
My daughter responded with a blank stare of non-comprehension.
«Γιου γκουτ;» the old lady persisted.
“It’s easier if you speak to her in Greek,” I advised. “Her English is still not that strong.”
«Γιου γκο του δα σκούλ;» the old lady inquired.
Silence from my daughter.
«Ουατς γιουρ νάιμ ντάλι;»
«Μιλήστε ελληνικά,» I advised her again. «Δεν σας καταλαβαίνει.»
«Ουάι γιου νο σπικ; Γιου σάι;» the old lady persisted, smiling.Having received no response, she gave my daughter a pat on the head and walked off, whereupon my daughter mystified, turning to me, asked: «Γιατί δε μιλούσε η κυρία ελληνικά;»

It is widely held that grandparents are the chief repositories of Greek language and culture within our community. This is because they are the ones that have largely experienced that language and culture in its native context and it still forms the primary medium of their daily discourse. However, of late, a convention has evolved within the community, whereby, while Greek can be and is used as an intra-generational tool for communication and even as an inter-generational mode of communication, this does not extend to the third generation, especially when addressing members of that generation that do not belong to one’s family. Instead, it is customary to address such children in English, regardless as to how bad the speakers English actually is.

In some bizarre cases, as the first dialogue herein suggests, members of the older generation persist in speaking English to their younger interlocutors, even when it is apparent that both speakers are fluent in Greek and that communication would be a good deal more convenient in that language. I remember one particular elderly gent who attended my office in order to seek legal advice. His English was parlous and despite my constant efforts to encourage him to speak in Greek, for the sake of brevity and so that I could understand him, he persisted in speaking a close to unintelligible form of garbled English. Having pleaded with him to speak in Greek and even appealed to his hip-pocket by informing him that most lawyers charge in six minute intervals, so that it would be cheaper for him to speak in Greek, he blissfully ignored my ministrations. At the end of the excruciatingly long consultation, I asked him: “Why didn’t you speak Greek? Wouldn’t it have been easier for both of us?”
“Because English is your language, not Greek, you smart-arse” he snapped. “You were born here.”

Circumstances like these suggest that on the odd occasion, the Greek language or its non-use is wielded by native speakers as a tool of exclusion, against other generations. For reasons of their own, they may feel threatened by members of the younger generation and the only way to preserve a feeling of ascendancy, is by creating a language dichotomy, whereby the ‘legitimate’ language is reserved for use by ‘legitimate’ speakers, while those deemed to be upstarts or not worthy, are directed to speak in English, a language, in this case, of disempowerment. Over the years, in pursuing my own literary endeavours in the Greek language, not a few well-meaning members of the Greek community literati have suggested emphatically that I cease writing in Greek. Apparently, being Australian-born, the only language I am authorized to write in, is English.

Generally however, and especially when it comes to the third generation, the convention of employing English in inter-generational discourse does not come from a desire to exclude, disempower or marginalize. Instead, it seems to derive from the opposite: a deeply held assumption that the latter generation has lost the Greek language altogether, and so, to address a child in Greek, would form a barrier to communication, or indeed, in some instances, cause trauma. This comes in marked contrast to the practices of a generation ago, where grandparents were considered the main point of contact between younger generations and the Greek language, and their use of the Greek language as a means of communication with grandchildren and as a method of ensuring cultural continuity, was unquestioned.

Nowadays, many elderly Greeks, will, when questioned as to why they speak to younger generations in English will not only state that it is because they assume that most of them do not speak Greek but also because it is considered rude to do so. The social transgression here apparently comes in the form of unduly exposing a child’s ignorance of the Greek language, if one speaks to that child in Greek, and the child does not respond. Apparently, this is a social transgression identified and excoriated as such by the second, ie. parental generation.

On most mornings, when I take my daughter to school, we sit in the playground while she tells me her favourite vampire stories and tales of Greek mythology, in Greek. An elderly lady sits nearby and smiles. She holds her grand-daughter in her arms and speaks to her in broken English. A few days ago, as we were discussing whether skordalia could be plausibly used as a vampire repellent, she commented:
“It’s good that you speak to your daughter in Greek.”
“Well, we are Greek, what else could I do?” I responded.
“My grand-daughter doesn’t speak Greek. Her mother isn’t Greek,” the old lady offered wistfully.
“My wife isn’t Greek either,” I told her.
“So how does she learn Greek? From her γιαγιά;” the old lady asked.
“From all of us,” I responded. “The family, the community, even from you right now.”
“My son and my daughter-in-law have told me not to speak to my grand-daughter in Greek,” the old lady confided sadly. “They say that it’s going to slow her down at school and that its going to make her feel inferior to the other kids.”
“Do you agree with that assessment?” I asked.
“Well,” the old lady mused, “I brought up my kids speaking Greek. I didn’t think that was a problem. We all thought it was natural that we should pass on our language to our children. But somewhere along the line, we discovered they don’t feel the same way. They don’t want to pass on the language. They speak to their kids in English. In the beginning, I told them: “let them at least learn Greek from me, whatever they learn can only benefit them,” but they told me categorically not to speak to the kids in Greek. What can I do?” she shrugged. “I brought up my kids in the way I thought was best. Now they are doing the same. And even in families where the parents are homogenous, they are not teaching their kids Greek anymore.”
When the bell rang, the grand-daughter was balancing precariously upon a bench. ῾Μη,” her grandmother shouted spontaneously. ῾Θα πέσεις. Σλάουλυ, σλάουλυ.᾽ And she looked up at me and beamed.
Once the last of the first generation of Greek speakers is no longer with us, a tangible linguistic and cultural link of continuity with our place of origin will be sundered. Depriving the latter generations of the rich repository of memory, shared tradition, perspective and outlook that can only be transmitted through the ancestral tongue, even before the demise of the generation that can pass it on, is tantamount to committing cultural suicide. Considering that among native born Greek Australian peer groups, social interaction in the Greek language is by convention rare, contact with native speakers is vital if our community is to retain the Greek language into the future. For this reason, this March, let us encourage the elderly members of the community to defy and ultimately smash pernicious convention and speak to our youth, unashamedly and unhindered, in Greek. And let us actively seek out ways in which we can harness and support their linguistic expertise, tying it to such key concepts as family, connection and community, in order that our emerging youth may contextualise that linguistic expertise to their lived existence, thus ensuring our linguistic survival as a distinct and relevant part of the multicultural fabric of Victorian society, well into the future.

DEAN KALIMNIOU

kalymnios@hotmail.com

First published in NKEE on Saturday 17 March 2018

A WEEKEND OF HATE

When Slav-FYROM members of the community burnt Greek flags at their protest last Sunday, to the chant of "F*ck Greeks", I became distressed. Had they chanted "F*ck Greece," I would have been just as distressed, but I would have understood that they were venting their frustration at a country that in their opinion, seeks to deny their identity. To direct the imperative to all Greeks, however, is to include, me, my family, my friends and all those of us who live side by side with Slav-Fyromians, go to school with them, work with them, befriend them and marry them. It is in fact, an act that promotes racial hatred in one of the most tolerant, vibrant and multicultural cities of the world. It incites all those who think in the same way, to dehumanise the entire Greek people and if taken literally, to violate them sexually. The next chant, an unintelligible "Ελλάς, Ελλάς, πουτσολιάς," I suspect, though sexually charged, was not a reference to the upcoming visit to Australia of the reputedly well-endowed euzones, on the occasion of Greek national day. Again, it was not clear whether those gifted by nature euzones had any connection to the "Occupied Macedonia" referenced in various irredentist placards.

When Slav-FYROM members of the community paraded bearing a banner which read: “Greeks and Pontians out of Macedonia,” effectively calling for ethnic cleansing, I felt sick.

Sometime later, it emerged from reports that a bunch of hoons, not content with making displays of racial intolerance at their demonstration, rampaged down Lonsdale Street (they think it is still Greek), and bearing flares, attacked Spiros Caras in his iconic Caras Music store, spitting on him and spraying water around his store.

On Sunday morning, in contrast, it became known that the schismatic Slav-FYROMIAN church in Preston was vandalised, the slogan F*k Skopje, ΕΛΛΑΣ ΕΛΛΑΣ ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑ graffitied on its exterior fence. Members of the Greek community, myself included, immediately banded together to publicly condemn this heinous and disgusting act of desecration. Some of these Greeks even offered to pay for the cleaning of the graffiti itself. Similarly, the appearance of a banner proclaiming: "FYROM = Albania" suspended over a pedestrian bridge and presumably created in response to an earlier banner during the week which read: "Greeks = Turks," and yet another proclaiming "Macedonia, Never Greek,"  was also excoriated by the consensus of the Greek community, as unhelpful. All this took place even though, on closer inspection, the Δ in ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑ appears to have been written as a Cyrillic Д, giving rise to uncomfortable questions.

 

Furthermore, in the days before the Slav-FYROMIAN hate rally, the Greek community mobilised against one group's stated intention to attend that rally and stage a counter-demonstration, protesting against the way in which they perceive that community has conducted itself during this time. Passions were high, the youth were inflamed. In their anger, they accused various members of the Greek community of being "soft" or not fully committed to the "national cause." After an exhausting round of appeals and counter-appeals, in which Neos Kosmos took an active role and even bureaucrats and Greeks embedded within the political system weighed in, the aggrieved group, while remaining unashamedly attached to their opinions, resolved to listen to their community elders. They chose not to stage their counter-demonstration. Instead, they published a list of their grievances and stated that in the interests of harmony and cohesion, they would refrain from any acts that could provoke racial conflict.

These internal checks and balances exemplify our community at its best. They suggest an organised community that though steadfast in promoting its own views about topics of concern to it, is mature enough to, on the whole, express those views in a focused way, without resorting to the vile racial slurs, acts of intimidation and violence that seem to have permeated through the recent Slav-FYROMIAN approach to protest in Melbourne. They also suggest a community that is possessed of a strong sense of social responsibility, viewing itself, not as an isolated entity within a vacuum, but rather as an integrated constituent of the multicultural fabric of Melbourne and sharing the priorities of that diverse and tolerant city.

As a Melbournian institution, therefore, the Greek community is able to identify potential ruptures within the social fabric and to move quickly to neutralise these in the interests of social cohesion. The fact that it was able to convince the enraged potential counter-demonstrators to desist, shows just how precarious the existence of that social cohesion really is. Had those persons witnessed the derogatory slogans chanted at the Slav-FYROMIAN rally, had they seen Greek flags being burnt, had they seen the placards de-legitimising the victims of the Greek genocide, had they witnessed the attacks upon Spiros Caras, no doubt they would have felt compelled to respond. And then, all hell would have broken loose.

However, it did not. There was no inter-ethnic violence because our community at large is able to see past the political issue, past the nationalist rhetoric employed by both sides and to focus on what is intrinsically important to our existence as an entity here: the human being. No one deserves to have the national symbols they hold dear burnt, so we refrain from doing so. No one deserves to see their friends and family attacked so we refrain from doing so and intervene to stop others from doing so. None of our children deserve to be exposed to raging mobs threatening or delighting in potential violence.  When we see that there is a potential for conflict, we defuse it. When unspeakably disgusting acts such as the vandalism of churches take place we condemn them. And we do all of these things despite the criticism of armchair or keyboard warriors who call all those who exercise such leadership as "soft," call their patriotic credentials into question and seek, in the social media, "an eye for an eye." In the end, our sense of civic responsibility prevails over our hurt feelings and any reactionary instincts. We can, bar a few unsavoury incidents, be very proud of the manner in which we have conducted ourselves.

It would not be an exaggeration to state that there is a marked difference in the manner in which the Greek and the Slav-FYROMIAN communities conducted their respective rallies. It is understood that owing to threats made by members of that community, Victoria police were forced to place six police officers at the Hellenic Australian Memorial for the Commemorative events of New Zealanders that served in both wars in Greece, which was being held concurrently,  attended by the NZ High Commissioner and the Greek Consul General . This establishes a terrible precedent.

  As a result, Melbourne itself is much diminished. Now that the protests have been and gone, and the governments of our respective homelands have consigned both of them to the dustbin of politics, both communities now have to exercise leadership  in coming together to engage with one another, rather than ignore each other's existence, an isolation which permits people to view their co-citizens as 'the enemy' and thus facilitates the terrible incidences of hate speech, vandalism and racial intolerance we have all been subjected to and borne witness to lately. Our communities must find common ground, not in the naming dispute but in co-operating with each other to minimise the racism and hate speech that seems to be endemic to this dispute and must begin this process immediately, using our own successful internal mechanisms as a guide. We owe it to each other, but most importantly to the tolerant society in which we live and which has allowed our communities to flourish. When history will write that our communities focused upon hatred rather than positioning themselves to meet the challenges that lie ahead, linguistically, socially and culturally, our legacy, no matter how much we may proclaim we embrace our 'identity" in the crudest of forms, will be a very poor one indeed.

 

DEAN KALIMNIOU

kalymnios@hotmail.com

 

First published in NKEE on Saturday 10 March 2018